干，prgn authorize了750M shares# Stock
t*l
1 楼
这个太容易反驳了，我们现在不是谈高教么？残趴位的比喻也太不贴切了。
应该比喻成：
沿 Stanford University 一圈，reserve 下来数量相当于整个 Palo Alto
School District 的总的 residential lot 数量的 2% 的 lot，建成
low income apartment。反正对开车距离影响不大。
然后所有藤校跟进，如法炮制。
另外请好心人把鹤立鸡群的这个建议，转抄：
（1）Thomas J. Kane
（2）Stanford University 和 Palo Alto 学区。
（3）所有大藤小藤，以及校区邻接的中小学学区。
不谢。
发信人: uvachja (鹤立鸡群), 信区: Parenting
标 题: Re: 哈佛大学的录取制度和美国最高法院的渊源
发信站: BBS 未名空间站 (Thu Jan 7 23:26:36 2016, 美东)
The Long Road to Race Blindness
http://sciencecareers.sciencemag.org/career_magazine/previous_i
The Handicapped Parking Analogy
As complicated as the legal issues may be, the political issues surrounding
race-conscious admission policies are even more treacherous. Handicapped
parking provides a useful analogy ( 12). Suppose that there were one parking
space reserved for disabled drivers in front of a popular restaurant.
Eliminating the reserved space would have only a minuscule effect on the
parking options for nondisabled drivers. But the sight of the open space may
frustrate many passing nondisabled motorists looking for someplace to park.
With the uncertainties surrounding university admissions, it is difficult to
identify which individuals are paying the cost of race-conscious admissions
( 12, 19). In the Spring of 2003, Harvard College accepted only one
applicant in 10 ( 20). Many of the rejected applicants (and, potentially,
many more of those who did not bother applying) have better grades and SAT
scores than many of the minority applicants who are admitted. A large
fraction of these may well believe that they would have been accepted if
Harvard had no racial preferences. Yet only about 18% of Harvard's
undergraduates are black or Hispanic. Even in the unlikely scenario that
ending racial preferences forced all these students to surrender their seats
to white and Asian-American students, acceptance rates for the remaining
students would only increase from 10 to 12%. If more than 2% of those who
were originally denied admission believe that they were the "next in line"
and that they would have been admitted in the absence of racial preferences,
then the perceived costs will overstate the true costs.
Ironically, the more informal use of race used by the University of Michigan
Law School could exacerbate such misperceptions. With a mechanical, point-
based system, those who are harmed by race-based policies are more readily
identifiable. In the less explicit system endorsed by the court, the
perceived costs may be less intense, but more widespread, since it would be
more unclear who was the next person in line.
应该比喻成：
沿 Stanford University 一圈，reserve 下来数量相当于整个 Palo Alto
School District 的总的 residential lot 数量的 2% 的 lot，建成
low income apartment。反正对开车距离影响不大。
然后所有藤校跟进，如法炮制。
另外请好心人把鹤立鸡群的这个建议，转抄：
（1）Thomas J. Kane
（2）Stanford University 和 Palo Alto 学区。
（3）所有大藤小藤，以及校区邻接的中小学学区。
不谢。
发信人: uvachja (鹤立鸡群), 信区: Parenting
标 题: Re: 哈佛大学的录取制度和美国最高法院的渊源
发信站: BBS 未名空间站 (Thu Jan 7 23:26:36 2016, 美东)
The Long Road to Race Blindness
http://sciencecareers.sciencemag.org/career_magazine/previous_i
The Handicapped Parking Analogy
As complicated as the legal issues may be, the political issues surrounding
race-conscious admission policies are even more treacherous. Handicapped
parking provides a useful analogy ( 12). Suppose that there were one parking
space reserved for disabled drivers in front of a popular restaurant.
Eliminating the reserved space would have only a minuscule effect on the
parking options for nondisabled drivers. But the sight of the open space may
frustrate many passing nondisabled motorists looking for someplace to park.
With the uncertainties surrounding university admissions, it is difficult to
identify which individuals are paying the cost of race-conscious admissions
( 12, 19). In the Spring of 2003, Harvard College accepted only one
applicant in 10 ( 20). Many of the rejected applicants (and, potentially,
many more of those who did not bother applying) have better grades and SAT
scores than many of the minority applicants who are admitted. A large
fraction of these may well believe that they would have been accepted if
Harvard had no racial preferences. Yet only about 18% of Harvard's
undergraduates are black or Hispanic. Even in the unlikely scenario that
ending racial preferences forced all these students to surrender their seats
to white and Asian-American students, acceptance rates for the remaining
students would only increase from 10 to 12%. If more than 2% of those who
were originally denied admission believe that they were the "next in line"
and that they would have been admitted in the absence of racial preferences,
then the perceived costs will overstate the true costs.
Ironically, the more informal use of race used by the University of Michigan
Law School could exacerbate such misperceptions. With a mechanical, point-
based system, those who are harmed by race-based policies are more readily
identifiable. In the less explicit system endorsed by the court, the
perceived costs may be less intense, but more widespread, since it would be
more unclear who was the next person in line.
