六四之后米帝总统老布什写给老邓的信 (转载)# WaterWorld - 未名水世界
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【 以下文字转载自 Military 讨论区 】
发信人: laomaomao (戴玫瑰花链的猪|努力邓), 信区: Military
标 题: 六四之后米帝总统老布什写给老邓的信
发信站: BBS 未名空间站 (Mon Jun 6 17:58:26 2011, 美东)
June 20, 1989
His Excellency Deng Xiaoping
People's Republic of China
Beijing
Dear Chairman Deng:
I write this letter to you with a heavy heart. I wish there was a way to
discuss this matter in person, but regrettably that is not the case. First
I write in a spirit of genuine friendship, this letter coming as I'm sure
you know from one who believes with a passion that good relations between
the United States and China are in the fundamental interests of both
countries. I have felt that way for many years. I feel more strongly that
way today, in spite of the difficult circumstances.
Secondly, I write as one who has great respect for what you personally
have done for the people of China and to help your great country move
forward. There is enormous irony in the fact that you who yourself has
suffered several reversals in your quest to bring reform and openness to
China are now facing a situation fraught with so much danger and so much
anxiety.
I recall your telling me the last time we met that you were in essence
phasing our of the day-to-day management of your great country. But I also
recall your unforgettable words about the need for good relations with the
West, your concerns about "Encirclement" and those who had done great harm
to China, and your commitment to keep China moving forward. By writing you I
am not trying to bypass any individual leader of China. I am simply writing
as a friend, a genuine "lao pengyou".
It is with this in mind that I write you asking for your help in
preserving this relationship that we both think is very important. I have
tried very hard not to inject myself into China's internal affairs. I have
tried very hard not to appear to be dictating in any way to China about how
it should manage its internal crisis. I am respectful of the difference in
our societies and in our two systems.
I have great reverence for Chinese history, culture and tradition. You
have given much to the development of world civilization. But I ask you as
well to remember the principles on which my young country was founded. Those
principles are democracy and freedom - freedom of speech, freedom of
assemblage, freedom from arbitrary authority. It is reverence for those
principles which inevitably affects the way Americans view and react to
events in other countries. It is not a reaction of arrogance or of a desire
to force others to our beliefs but of a simple faith in the enduring value
of those principles and their universal applicability.
And that leads directly to the fundamental problem. The early days of
the student demonstrations, and indeed, the early treatment of the students
by the Chinese Army, captured the imagination of the entire world. The
wonder of TV brought the details of the events in Tiananmen Square into the
homes of people not just in "Western" countries but world-wide. The early
tolerance that was shown, the restraint and the generous handling of the
demonstrations won world-wide respect for China's leadership. Thoughtful
people all over the world tried to understand and sympathize with the
enormous problems being faced by those required to keep order; and, indeed,
they saw with administration the manifestation of policy which reflected the
leaders' words: "The Army loves the people." The world cheered when the
Chinese leaders were seen patiently meeting with students, even though there
were "sit-ins" and even though disorder did interfere with normal functions.
I will leave what followed to the history books, but again, with their
own eyes the people of the world saw the turmoil and the bloodshed with
which the demonstrations were ended. Various countries reacted in various
ways. Based on the principles I described above, the actions I took as
President of the United States could not be avoided. As you know, the clamor
for stronger action remains intense. I have resisted that clamor, making
clear that I did not want to see this relationship that you and I have
worked hard to build. I explained to the American people that I did not want
to unfairly burden the Chinese people through economic sanctions.
There is also the matter of Fang Lizhi. The minute I heard Fang was in
our Embassy, I knew there would be a high profiled wedge driven between us.
Fang was not encouraged to come to our Embassy, but under our widely
accepted interpretation of international law, we could not refuse him
admittance.
In today's climate I know this matter is of grave importance to you and
I know it presents you with an enormous problem; a problem that adversely
affects my determination and, hopefully, yours to get our relationship back
on track.
We cannot now put Fang out of the Embassy without some assurance that he
will not be in physical danger. Similar cases elsewhere in the world have
been resolved over long periods of time or through the government quietly
permitting departure or through expulsion. I simply want to assure you that
we want this difficult matter resolved in a way which is both satisfactory
to you and does not violate our commitment to our basic principles. When
there are difficulties between friends, as now, we must find a way to talk
them out.
Your able Ambassador here represents your country firmly and faithfully.
I feel that Jim Lilley does the same for us; but if there is some special
channel that you would favor, please let me know.
I have thought of asking you to receive a special emissary who could
speak with total candor to you representing my heartfelt convictions on
these matters. If you feel such an emissary could be helpful, please let me
know and we will work cooperatively to see that his mission is kept in total
confidence. I have insisted that all departments of the US Government be
guided in their statements and actions from my guidance in the White House.
Sometimes in an open system such as ours it is impossible to control all
leaks, but on this particular letter there are no copies, no one, outside of
my own personal file.
I send you this letter with great respect and deep concern. We must not
let this important relationship suffer further. Please help me keep it
strong. Any statement that could be made from China that drew upon the
earlier statements about peacefully resolving further disputes with
protesters would be very well received here. Any clemency that could be
shown the student demonstrators would be applauded worldwide. We must not
let the aftermath of the tragic events undermine a vital relationship
patiently built up over the past seventeen years. I would of course welcome
a personal reply to this letter. This matter is too important to be left to
our bureaucracies.
As I said above, I write with a heavy heart; but I also write with a
frankness reserved for respected friends.
Sincerely,
George Bush
发信人: laomaomao (戴玫瑰花链的猪|努力邓), 信区: Military
标 题: 六四之后米帝总统老布什写给老邓的信
发信站: BBS 未名空间站 (Mon Jun 6 17:58:26 2011, 美东)
June 20, 1989
His Excellency Deng Xiaoping
People's Republic of China
Beijing
Dear Chairman Deng:
I write this letter to you with a heavy heart. I wish there was a way to
discuss this matter in person, but regrettably that is not the case. First
I write in a spirit of genuine friendship, this letter coming as I'm sure
you know from one who believes with a passion that good relations between
the United States and China are in the fundamental interests of both
countries. I have felt that way for many years. I feel more strongly that
way today, in spite of the difficult circumstances.
Secondly, I write as one who has great respect for what you personally
have done for the people of China and to help your great country move
forward. There is enormous irony in the fact that you who yourself has
suffered several reversals in your quest to bring reform and openness to
China are now facing a situation fraught with so much danger and so much
anxiety.
I recall your telling me the last time we met that you were in essence
phasing our of the day-to-day management of your great country. But I also
recall your unforgettable words about the need for good relations with the
West, your concerns about "Encirclement" and those who had done great harm
to China, and your commitment to keep China moving forward. By writing you I
am not trying to bypass any individual leader of China. I am simply writing
as a friend, a genuine "lao pengyou".
It is with this in mind that I write you asking for your help in
preserving this relationship that we both think is very important. I have
tried very hard not to inject myself into China's internal affairs. I have
tried very hard not to appear to be dictating in any way to China about how
it should manage its internal crisis. I am respectful of the difference in
our societies and in our two systems.
I have great reverence for Chinese history, culture and tradition. You
have given much to the development of world civilization. But I ask you as
well to remember the principles on which my young country was founded. Those
principles are democracy and freedom - freedom of speech, freedom of
assemblage, freedom from arbitrary authority. It is reverence for those
principles which inevitably affects the way Americans view and react to
events in other countries. It is not a reaction of arrogance or of a desire
to force others to our beliefs but of a simple faith in the enduring value
of those principles and their universal applicability.
And that leads directly to the fundamental problem. The early days of
the student demonstrations, and indeed, the early treatment of the students
by the Chinese Army, captured the imagination of the entire world. The
wonder of TV brought the details of the events in Tiananmen Square into the
homes of people not just in "Western" countries but world-wide. The early
tolerance that was shown, the restraint and the generous handling of the
demonstrations won world-wide respect for China's leadership. Thoughtful
people all over the world tried to understand and sympathize with the
enormous problems being faced by those required to keep order; and, indeed,
they saw with administration the manifestation of policy which reflected the
leaders' words: "The Army loves the people." The world cheered when the
Chinese leaders were seen patiently meeting with students, even though there
were "sit-ins" and even though disorder did interfere with normal functions.
I will leave what followed to the history books, but again, with their
own eyes the people of the world saw the turmoil and the bloodshed with
which the demonstrations were ended. Various countries reacted in various
ways. Based on the principles I described above, the actions I took as
President of the United States could not be avoided. As you know, the clamor
for stronger action remains intense. I have resisted that clamor, making
clear that I did not want to see this relationship that you and I have
worked hard to build. I explained to the American people that I did not want
to unfairly burden the Chinese people through economic sanctions.
There is also the matter of Fang Lizhi. The minute I heard Fang was in
our Embassy, I knew there would be a high profiled wedge driven between us.
Fang was not encouraged to come to our Embassy, but under our widely
accepted interpretation of international law, we could not refuse him
admittance.
In today's climate I know this matter is of grave importance to you and
I know it presents you with an enormous problem; a problem that adversely
affects my determination and, hopefully, yours to get our relationship back
on track.
We cannot now put Fang out of the Embassy without some assurance that he
will not be in physical danger. Similar cases elsewhere in the world have
been resolved over long periods of time or through the government quietly
permitting departure or through expulsion. I simply want to assure you that
we want this difficult matter resolved in a way which is both satisfactory
to you and does not violate our commitment to our basic principles. When
there are difficulties between friends, as now, we must find a way to talk
them out.
Your able Ambassador here represents your country firmly and faithfully.
I feel that Jim Lilley does the same for us; but if there is some special
channel that you would favor, please let me know.
I have thought of asking you to receive a special emissary who could
speak with total candor to you representing my heartfelt convictions on
these matters. If you feel such an emissary could be helpful, please let me
know and we will work cooperatively to see that his mission is kept in total
confidence. I have insisted that all departments of the US Government be
guided in their statements and actions from my guidance in the White House.
Sometimes in an open system such as ours it is impossible to control all
leaks, but on this particular letter there are no copies, no one, outside of
my own personal file.
I send you this letter with great respect and deep concern. We must not
let this important relationship suffer further. Please help me keep it
strong. Any statement that could be made from China that drew upon the
earlier statements about peacefully resolving further disputes with
protesters would be very well received here. Any clemency that could be
shown the student demonstrators would be applauded worldwide. We must not
let the aftermath of the tragic events undermine a vital relationship
patiently built up over the past seventeen years. I would of course welcome
a personal reply to this letter. This matter is too important to be left to
our bureaucracies.
As I said above, I write with a heavy heart; but I also write with a
frankness reserved for respected friends.
Sincerely,
George Bush
