巴基斯坦前总统穆沙拉夫 | 经济学人讣告
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Cece，消防人+经济学人粉丝
02 第十五期翻译打卡营
03 新手必读
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Whisky and moderation
鲁莽与节制
Whisky and moderation
鲁莽与节制
Pervez Musharraf, who seized power in Pakistan in 1999, died on February 5th, aged 79
佩尔韦兹·穆沙拉夫，曾于1999年夺取巴基斯坦政权，于今年2月5日逝世，享年79岁。
When pervez musharraf was named army chief of Pakistan in 1998, he was a surprising choice. A hot-headed former artilleryman, known for bravery under fire and occasional indiscipline, he was third on the list of generals that Nawaz Sharif, the then prime minister, was given to pick from. He was also an outlier in a top brass dominated by ethnic Punjabis and Pushtuns. Mr Musharraf hailed from Karachi; his Urdu-speaking family had migrated there in 1947 from Delhi, where he was born. Mr Sharif, it was clear, saw him as a weak army chief he could control.
1998年， 佩尔韦兹·穆沙拉夫当选为巴基斯坦陆军参谋长，引起一片哗然。要知道在时任总理纳瓦兹·谢里夫拿到的将军人选名单上，以勇于冒火冲锋和时而无视纪律著称的鲁莽的前炮兵穆沙拉夫只排在第三。不仅如此，在由旁遮普族和普什图族控制的政界高层中，他也只是个局外人。此外，穆沙拉夫来自卡拉奇；他的家族讲乌尔都语，在1947年从其出生地德里迁移至此。很显然，谢里夫认为穆沙拉夫是个软弱、可以操控的参谋长。
This was a familiar ploy of Pakistan’s put-up civilian leaders. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto applied the same logic when appointing Muhammad Zia ul-Haq army chief in 1976. Zia promptly removed Bhutto in a coup, hanged him and ruled Pakistan until he was killed in a plane crash in 1988. Mr Sharif had similarly underestimated Mr Musharraf. The artilleryman toppled him in a coup in 1999, had Mr Sharif sentenced to life in prison and ruled Pakistan, as “chief executive” then president, until his resignation in 2008.
这是巴基斯坦内定平民领导人的惯用策略。1976年，祖尔菲卡尔·阿里·布托任命穆罕默德·齐亚·乌尔·哈克为陆军参谋长时便使用了相同的手段。齐亚立即发动政变，将布托赶下台，并处以绞刑，随即统治巴基斯坦，直至1988年死于空难。同样，谢里夫低估了穆沙拉夫。1999年，炮兵穆沙拉夫发动政变，推翻谢里夫，判其终生监禁，以首席执行官身份统治巴基斯坦，后成为总统，直至2008年辞职。
He seemed at first like just another bullying fauji. Mr Musharraf revered the army, the institution that generally presumes to run Pakistan, with a passion founded on comradeship and blood. He fought in two wars against India, in 1965 and 1971, earning a gallantry medal and reputation for impetuousness. He barely hid his scorn for civilians, especially politicians, among whom he reserved special contempt for Mr Sharif. He could never forgive the former prime minister for having dared to try to sack him on the eve of his coup. Yet even as Pakistan’s swaggering generalissimo, Mr Musharraf still seemed a slightly oddball choice.
起初，穆沙拉夫就像是又一个恃强凌弱的士兵。他拥兵尚武，怀着建立在战友情谊和热血之上的激情推崇军队—这个常越权干政的组织。1965年和1971年，他两度参与对印作战，荣获一枚英勇勋章，也被冠以莽夫之名。他几乎毫不掩饰自己对平民的蔑视，对政客尤甚，更特别看不起谢里夫。谢里夫胆敢试图在政变前撤他的职，因此穆沙拉夫永远不能原谅他。然而，哪怕作为巴基斯坦颐指气使的最高统帅，穆沙拉夫仍然是个多少有些古怪的人选。
Zia, an Islamic fundamentalist with a disdain for non-Muslims and Western culture, had pushed the country far to the religious right. Mr Musharraf, though passably God-fearing, seemed not to have got the message. Educated by Catholic priests, at Karachi’s prestigious St Patrick’s High School, he loved rock music, dogs and whisky. He liked Western fashions so much his army comrades called him “Cowboy”. A childhood spell in Turkey, where his father was stationed as a diplomat, helped form these tastes. He retained a lifelong regard for its great reformer, Kemal Ataturk. But mostly he represented the more secular, liberal Pakistan its founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, had once imagined the country to be.
齐亚是伊斯兰原教旨主义者，鄙视非穆斯林和西方文化，他将国家过度推向宗教右翼。穆沙拉夫尽管还算虔诚，但是似乎没有收到上帝的旨意。他在卡拉奇赫赫有名的圣帕特里克高中读书，接受天主教神父的教育，喜爱摇滚音乐、狗和威士忌。他非常喜欢西方时尚，以至于军队同志称他为“牛仔”。父亲被派驻土耳其担任外交官，他也得以在那里度过一段童年时光，助使他养成了这些爱好。他终生敬佩土耳其伟大的改革者凯末尔·阿塔图尔克，但是他主要代表了更世俗自由的巴基斯坦——巴基斯坦国父穆罕默德·阿里·真纳曾经设想过的巴基斯坦。
His moderation made Mr Musharraf well-placed for the great event of his rule. Zia, with America’s blithe support, had orchestrated a jihadist campaign against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. But on September 11th, 2001 veterans of that struggle attacked America, arousing its fury. “Either you’re with us, or you are with the terrorists,” thundered George W. Bush. For Mr Musharraf, unlike many of his comrades, it was not a real choice.
由于他的节制，穆沙拉夫才得以在其执政期内的911事件中左右逢源。此前，齐亚受美国撺掇，策划了一场圣战，意在反对苏联侵占阿富汗。但是在2001年9月11日，那场圣战中的退伍老兵袭击了美国，美国怒不可遏。“要么你站在我这边，要么你就是恐怖分子”布什怒吼道。跟很多同僚不同，穆沙拉夫知道这件事对他来说没得选。
He provided the Americans access to Pakistani airspace and roads, allowing them to wage war in Afghanistan. He also gave them some, at least, of the al-Qaeda fighters who fled that country into Pakistan. Mr Bush saluted the coupster president as a “strong defender of freedom”. Having cut off aid to Pakistan in the 1990s, Congress showered it with money. It was America’s indispensable ally in the war on terror, and Mr Musharraf its admired leader.
他给美国人开放陆空交通，允许他们向阿富汗开战。其他不说，至少他还把一些从阿富汗逃来巴基斯坦的基地组织成员交给了美国。布什称赞这位靠政变上台的总统为“坚定的自由主义战士”，紧接着90年代断了的援助又续上了，美国国会重新向巴基斯坦撒钱。因为它是美国反恐不可或缺的盟友，而穆沙拉夫则是美国都不吝赞赏的领导人。
His courage and moderation were both apparent in this shift. At home, he was denounced as an American poodle and was the target of multiple assassination attempts. Uncowed, he doubled down on his reform programme. He liberalised the media, encouraged pop culture and passed measures to protect women from the chauvinist Islamist legal regime that Zia had built.
他的勇气与节制都在这一转折事件中得以体现。在国内，他被国民谴责为美国的牵线木偶，还多次有人想要暗杀他。但是，他无所畏惧，大胆推进了改革方案，实施媒体自由化改革，鼓励流行文化的发展，并取消齐亚建立的沙文主义伊斯兰教条来保护女性。
With two Indian prime ministers, Atal Bihari Vajpayee then Manmohan Singh, he also launched a bold peace process. Mr Musharraf got it moving with a visit to his birthplace, Delhi, in 2001. And when negotiations got stuck, it was often he who seemed most willing to unstick them. His advisers looked on in alarm as the general riffed, seemingly off-the-cuff, on how to fix this or that territorial dispute.
对于他任期内的两任印度总理，阿塔尔·比哈里·瓦杰帕伊和曼莫汉·辛格，他都大胆交好。为示好，2001年穆沙拉夫访问了他的出生地德里。外交陷入困境时，通常是他出面化干戈为玉帛。在如何处理各个边界领土纷争的问题上，他大放厥词，看上去信口开河，弄得身边的顾问们惴惴不安。
Yet his presidency, and with it the peace process, was on borrowed time. The contradictions in his position, as an enlightened despot and moderate leader of an Islamicised army, made him, in the end, an uncertain reformer and unreliable ally. The liberal progress he brought came at the cost of the democratic institutions he suborned. His crackdown on militancy was undercut by the Islamist political parties he used to quash his democratic opponents. And also by the army. He eventually came close to admitting what was all along suspected—that, while fighting militants at home, Pakistan’s generals continued supporting their old allies, the Afghan Taliban, to prevent India gaining influence in Afghanistan.
然而，他的总统任期(以及任期内推动的和平进程)结束只是时间问题。身处其位，他的身份很矛盾：既是开明的独裁者，亦是伊斯兰化军队温和的领袖。这也使得他最终成为了徘徊不定的改革者和不可靠的盟友。他带来的自由进步，是以他一手遮天收买的民主制度为代价。他用来镇压民选对手的伊斯兰政党使绊子，削弱了他对好战势力的打击。军队也来搞破坏。他最终几近承认了外界一直怀疑的内幕——巴基斯坦的将军们，在国内对好战分子重拳出击的同时，持续支持着他们的老盟友阿富汗塔利班，以阻止印度在阿富汗得势。
By 2007 the contradictions had become unsustainable. Pakistan was being ravaged by terrorism. The limited democracy that Mr Musharraf permitted had led to mass protests against him. Calling himself “indispensable”, he briefly suspended the constitution. But the army, and America, had tired of the disorder. When his opponents won an election in 2008 he resigned the presidency and fled to London rather than face impeachment proceedings.
到了2007年，矛盾已经变得无法调和。巴基斯坦正遭受恐怖主义摧残。穆沙拉夫允许的有限民主掀起了大规模抗议。他号称自己“不可或缺”，下令暂停实行宪法。但军队和美国已经对混乱感到厌倦。2008年，在对手赢下大选后，他辞去总统职务，逃至伦敦，而非面对弹劾程序。
In his labyrinth
迷宫中的将军
It is partly an indictment of Mr Musharraf’s successors that his dictatorship is remembered fondly by many Pakistanis today. No leader since has come close to repeating the seriousness of his peacemaking with India. He also left some positive marks on Pakistan. His liberalisation of its media is an enduring success. Perhaps most of all, however, he was synonymous with a time when the country was important geopolitically, something few Pakistanis appreciated until the opportunity it presented had passed.
至今许多巴基斯坦人热切怀念穆沙拉夫的独裁统治，这在一定程度上成为了他继任者们的罪证。自他之后，再也没有领袖能像他一样尽心尽力谋求与印度和平共处了。他也给巴基斯坦留下了一些积极的影响。他推行的巴基斯坦媒体自由化改革取得了长久的成功。但可能最重要的是，他是这个国家在一个时代的代名词。在那个时代，巴基斯坦在地缘政治中具有举足轻重的地位。而多数巴基斯坦人待时机已逝才对此重视。
注释：
In his labyrinth: 莫非是引读者联想马尔克斯的"The General in His Labyrinth(迷宫中的将军)"？
For all his serious failings, the bluff general did try to turn Pakistan’s strategic moment to its advantage. But his reactionary opponents, military and civilian, sponsors of militancy and disorder, squandered the chance. And it may never come again. Whatever the merits of Pakistan’s next dictator, he is unlikely to be feted in Washington, as Mr Musharraf often was.
尽管穆沙拉夫有严重的缺点，但这位直来直去的将军确实试图抓住巴基斯坦的战略时机，为国谋利。但是他的反动派对手们，有军人也有平民，还有鼓吹好战和混乱的人们，都浪费了这个机遇。而这种时机可能一去不复返。无论巴基斯坦下一位独裁者功绩如何，他都不太可能被华盛顿奉为座上宾，不会像穆沙拉夫那样常受款待了。
Mosy，绘本、演讲、戏剧英文教育践行者
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观点|评论|思考
本次感想
Shulin，女，热咖啡+保温杯，慢慢来er
巴基斯坦前总统穆沙拉夫传奇的一生，因病就此落下了帷幕。他早年戎马生涯，意气风发，1999年底在一场不流血的政变中掌权， 2008年在被弹劾的威胁下辞职。他登上过巴基斯坦政坛顶峰，但也因政治斗争，经历了政变、暗杀、指控，后辗转海外，至死方能归故里。
在争议中走完一生的穆沙拉夫，抛开其他不说，至少做对了两点。其一，推动巴基斯坦走向现代化，大力发展国内经济，创造更加良好的经济和社会氛围。穆沙拉夫给巴基斯坦带来的变化是明显的。其推行的自由经济政策带来了显著的经济增长。在穆沙拉夫的领导下，外国投资蓬勃发展，巴基斯坦的年经济增长率高达7.5%，这目前仍是巴基斯坦近三十年来的最高水平。除经济增长，巴基斯坦的治安情况也明显变好。犯罪率急剧下降，警察不再把车停在路边索要贿赂，就连机场的出租车队伍也变得井然有序。他还创造了更加开放的宗教氛围，在这个保守的穆斯林国家引入社会自由价值观，推动立法保障妇女权利，并首次允许私人运营新闻频道，这些都为他在国际上赢得了广泛赞誉。其二，抓住机遇主动创造对本国更为有利的国际舆论环境。对印度发动军事行动后不到三年的2002年，在一次地区峰会上，穆沙拉夫的举动震惊了世界：他在结束演讲后突然走向印度总理阿塔尔·比哈里·瓦杰帕伊，握手并提出和谈。此后，他多次会晤印度领导人，探讨能够缓解紧张局势的措施。2004年，两国举行了15年来的首次板球比赛。他在任期间，巴基斯坦与印度等周边邻国的关系不断改善，与欧美各国的关系也维护得很好。
英文中有句谚语，“Don't judge a man until you have walked a mile in his boots.”或许是年纪渐长，现在的我对这句话的理解要比我第一次见到这句话的时候来得深切得多。讣告组的文章为我们打开一扇了解世界了解他人的较为客观的小窗，主要是能唤起我们对生命和生活更深层面的一些共性思考。此文能留给我们普通人的借鉴，就是找准努力的方向，全方位提升自己的综合实力尤其是经济实力，同时要适时借势为自己创造良好的舆论口碑支撑。当然，最关键的还是身体健康啦。祝愿大家都能内外兼修，在自己的世界里熠熠生辉。
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01 第十五期翻译打卡营
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