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法律翻译 | 俄罗斯-乌克兰冲突中针对妇女的性暴力和基于性别的暴力行为

法律翻译 | 俄罗斯-乌克兰冲突中针对妇女的性暴力和基于性别的暴力行为

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译者 | 段依辰 中国人民大学B.A. in Philosophy & LL.B.

一审 | 岳文豪 上海交通大学

二审 | Ellen Chen Cornell LL.M.

编辑 | NYZ 武汉大学本科

责编 | 陈远航 美国西北大学LL.M.

Sexual and Gender-Based Violence against Women in the Russia-Ukraine Conflict

俄罗斯-乌克兰冲突中针对妇女的性暴力和基于性别的暴力行为



Written by Melanie O’Brien and Noelle Quenivet

作者:梅兰妮·奥布莱恩(Melanie O’Brien)、诺埃尔·奎尼维特(Noelle Quenivet)


June 8, 2022


原文发表时间:2022年6月8日


In April 2022, it was reported that Ukrainian law enforcement intercepted a phone call between a Russian soldier and his wife. In the phone call, they joked about the soldier raping Ukrainian women. His wife told him, “Yes, I allow it. Just wear protection”. The shockingly cavalier attitude of these two young Russian people towards rape emanates from the traditionally gendered nature of war and a history of Russian soldiers carrying out the rape of women with impunity.


据报道2022年4月,乌克兰执法部门截获了一名俄罗斯士兵和他妻子的电话。在电话中,他们开玩笑说该士兵强奸了乌克兰妇女。他的妻子告诉他,“是的,我允许你这样做。只要做好保护措施就可以了。”这两个俄罗斯年轻人对强奸所持的轻率态度令人震惊,而这源于战争的传统性别本质(即男性化的本质),以及俄罗斯士兵强奸妇女而不受惩罚的历史。


Wars are inherently gendered and have been since time immemorial. War’s traditional structure is that men go to fight, while women stay at home and take care of the family. In addition, the battlefield itself is gendered: whilst men are killed, women’s bodies are the spoils of war. ‘History has repeatedly shown that the outbreak of conflict and war increases the exposure of women and girls to war crimes, especially all forms of gender-based violence, arbitrary killings, rape and trafficking.’ Sadly, as this post demonstrates, the conflict in Ukraine is no exception to this traditional gendered structure of war.


自古以来,战争本质上是性别化的。战争的传统结构是男人去打仗,而女人留在家里照顾家庭。此外,战场本身也是性别化的:当男人被杀时,女性的身体则是战利品。“历史一再表明,冲突和战争的爆发增加了妇女和女童遭受战争罪的风险,特别是各种形式的基于性别的暴力、任意杀戮、强奸和人口贩运。可悲的是,正如这篇文章所表明的那样,俄乌冲突也不例外于这种传统的性别化战争结构。


The post begins by explaining the link between war and sexual/gendered violence and then reminds the reader of the use of sexual violence by Russian forces for the past 70 years. It then focuses on the types of gendered violence against women observed in the conflict in Ukraine before reiterating the importance and urgency of closing the impunity gap on sexual and gender-based crimes.


本文首先解释战争与性暴力/性别暴力之间的联系,然后提醒读者在过去70年中俄罗斯军队使用性暴力的情况。其次,重点介绍在俄乌冲突中观察到的针对妇女的性别暴力类型,然后重申消除对性和基于性别的犯罪有罪不罚现象的重要性和紧迫性。


Peacetime, War and Sexual and Gender-Based Violence

和平时期、战争以及性暴力和基于性别的暴力


Since Brownmiller’s book Against our Will, which retraced the history of rape in armed conflicts and propounded the idea of the almost inevitability of sexual violence perpetrated by men against women in armed conflict, masculinity has emerged in academic scholarship as a category of analysis to understand soldiers’ behaviour. 


自从布朗·米勒(Brownmiller)在《违背我们的意愿》一书中追溯了武装冲突中的强奸历史,并提出了在武装冲突中男性对女性实施性暴力几乎不可避免的观点后,男性气质在学术界出现,成为理解士兵行为的一个分析类别。


Many armed forces around the world and throughout history are and have been predominantly comprised of men. Despite the important role played by Soviet women in World War II, as of March 2020 only 41,000 women (i.e., 4%) were serving in the Russian armed forces. The Russian forces are thus essentially male. Most importantly, ‘Russian women are not permitted in frontline combat roles’, notably because of an unspoken gentleman’s rule in the military system to protect women. Indeed, although women serve in units alongside men, they are viewed differently in the armed forces. For example, the Russian Defence Ministry organises beauty contests for female soldiers and ‘[f]emale competency for military duty is routinely questioned in public discourse’ on the basis that they are unsuitable for some roles.


世界各地和历史上的许多武装部队都是并且一直是由男性组成的。尽管苏联妇女在第二次世界大战中发挥了重要作用,但截至2020年3月,只有41,000名女性(即4%)在俄罗斯武装部队服役。因此,俄罗斯军队基本上是男性。最重要的是,“俄罗斯女性不被允许在前线作战”,主要是因为军事系统中保护女性的不言而喻的绅士规则。事实上,尽管女性与男性一起在部队服役,但在武装部队中对她们的看法不同。例如,俄罗斯国防部为女兵组织选美比赛,“女性的军事能力在公共讨论中经常受到质疑”,理由是她们不适合担任某些角色。


This attitude towards women in the armed forces, compounded by demands for group conformity, dictates of loyalty and strong hierarchical structure within armed forces inevitably facilitates collective action that is not reprimanded. It produces a culture of militarised masculinities and fosters ‘toxic masculinity’, defined as an extreme form of male behaviour leading to contests between men aimed at proving their masculinity to themselves and others within the group. Putin on horseback or practising judo or arm-wrestling epitomises such idealised forms of masculinity. Toxic masculinity is undoubtedly closely related to a culture of exclusion: women are perceived as fundamentally different.


对武装部队中妇女的这种态度,加上对群体统一性的要求、忠诚度的规定和武装部队内部强大的等级结构,不可避免地促进了不受谴责的集体行动。它产生一种军事化的男子气概文化,并助长“有毒的男性气质”,这种“有毒的男性气质”被定义为一种极端形式的男性行为,导致男性之间的竞争,旨在向自己和群体中的其他人证明他们的男性气质。普京骑马或练习柔道摔跤就是这种理想化的男性气质的缩影。“有毒的男性气质”无疑与排外文化密切相关:女性被认为是与他们有着根本的不同。


The culture within the Russian forces is profoundly violent. The Russian military is a hybrid format combining a traditional conscript and a professional, contract (‘kontrakniki’) system. For decades, the culture of the hazing (or persistent bullying) of young conscripts in Russia (‘dedovshchina’ – the rule of the grandfathers) has blighted the forces as senior conscripts are encouraged to beat, brutalise or even rape new recruits. Violence is normalised and the soldiers become morally disengaged. Further, the European Court of Human Rights pointed out that such behaviour was ‘bringing about lawlessness and gross abuse of human rights’ (para. 99). In other words, not only violence but also impunity is rampant in the Russian forces. The lack of organisational culture that holds commanders accountable for their actions and those of their subordinates is known to be an important factor in the commission of war crimes.


俄罗斯军队内部的文化具有深刻的暴力色彩。俄罗斯军队是一种混合形式,结合了传统的征兵制和职业合同制(“kontrakniki”)几十年来,俄罗斯对年轻新兵的欺凌(或持续欺凌)文化(即“dedovshchina”——祖辈的统治)一直困扰着部队,因为高级士兵被鼓励殴打、暴力对待甚至强奸新兵。暴力被正常化,士兵在道德上变得不合群。此外,欧洲人权法院指出,这种行为“造成目无法纪和严重侵犯人权的行为”(第99段)。换言之,在俄罗斯军队中,不仅暴力,而且有罪不罚现象也很猖獗。众所周知,缺乏使指挥官对其自身及下属的行为负责的组织文化是犯下战争罪的一个重要因素。


A link between violence against women in peacetime and wartime has been established: ‘[w]here cultures of violence and discrimination against women and girls exist prior to conflict, they will be exacerbated during conflict’ (para. 6). In fact, violence against women is to be understood ‘as a social rather than an individual problem’ (para. 9). Unfortunately, domestic violence is rife in Russia, a problem already highlighted in 2004 and that featured in many State recommendations in Russia’s 2018 Report of the Working Group on the universal periodic review. In 2017 some forms of domestic violence were decriminalised and administrative penalties introduced instead. These reforms, unequivocally condemned by the CEDAW Committee in 2021 (para. 25), have led to a weakened State response to such violence criticised by the European Court of Human Rights (para. 100). More fundamentally, the change in the law led to the revitalisation and normalisation of misconceptions and stereotypes about violence against women (paras 22-23). This certainly affects the way Russian soldiers view women in Ukraine.


和平时期和战争时期的暴力侵害妇女行为之间存在联系:"冲突前存在暴力侵害和歧视妇女和女童的文化,这种文化将在冲突期间加剧"(第6段)。事实上,对妇女的暴力应被理解为 "一个社会问题而不是个人问题"(第9段)。不幸的是,家庭暴力在俄罗斯较为普遍,该问题早在2004年就已经突出,并且在俄罗斯2018年普遍定期审议工作组报告中的许多国家建议中都有体现。2017年,部分形式的家庭暴力被非刑事化,转而采用行政处罚。这些改革在2021年受到了消除对妇女歧视委员会(CEDAW Committee)的明确谴责(第25段),导致民众对欧洲人权法院批评的这种暴力行为的反应减弱(第100段)。更为根本的是,法律的改变导致了对暴力侵害妇女行为的错误观念和刻板印象的复兴和正常化(第22-23段)。这必然会影响俄罗斯士兵对乌克兰女性的看法。


Russian Soldiers and Sexual Violence through History

俄罗斯士兵与性暴力历史


As Russian soldiers enter into Ukrainian villages and towns, having been subjected to a culture of violence and impunity bolstered up by their skewed view of masculinity and their gendered conception of society, a sad history of violence against women in World War II and in the conflict in Chechnya accompanies them.


当俄罗斯士兵进入乌克兰的村庄和城镇时,他们受到暴力和有罪不罚文化的影响,而这种文化又受到他们对男性气概的扭曲看法和性别化的社会观念的支持,伴随着他们的是二战和车臣冲突中针对女性的暴力的悲惨历史。


Several books (e.g., Beevor, Gebhardt, Werth, Brownmiller, A Woman in Berlin) depict the numerous rapes perpetrated by Soviet soldiers as they swept across Germany (and entered Berlin) in 1945. Beevor estimates that between 50,000 and 100,000 German women were raped. According to Stalin, the soldiers were ‘having fun’. Whilst there is some debate as to whether it was a deliberate (official) Soviet strategy, it can at the very least be argued that it was masculine strategy. ‘Neither nationality nor politics were critical — only the fact that the victims were female.’ Yet, reports and testimonies show that the rapes were not only a display of masculine power over other women but also reinforced the bonds between Soviet soldiers, and sent a signal to German men, unable to protect women (here and here). This occurred in the background of Stalin’s reaffirmation at the domestic level of the gendered roles of men, as soldiers, and women, as potential mothers, and a war cast as a heroic fight against Nazism. Further, these rapes were acts of revenge, too often enabled by lacking (enforcement of) discipline.


有几本书(例如,贝弗尔、格布哈特、韦特、布朗米勒、《一个在柏林的女人》)描述了苏联士兵在1945年横扫德国(并进入柏林)时犯下的大量强奸罪行。贝弗尔(Beevor)估计,有5万至10万名德国妇女被强奸了。根据斯大林的说法,这些士兵是在 "找乐子"。虽然关于这是否是苏联蓄意的(官方)战略存在一些争论,但至少可以说是一种男性化的战略。“国籍和政治都不是关键——只有受害者是女性这一事实。”然而,报告和证词表明,强奸不仅是对于女性的男性权力的展示,而且还加强了苏联士兵之间的联系,并向德国男人发出他们无法保护妇女的信号。这发生在斯大林在国内重申男性作为士兵和女性作为潜在母亲的性别角色,以及将这场战争视为反对纳粹主义的英雄斗争的背景下。此外,这些强奸是报复行为,往往是因为缺乏(执行)纪律而促成的。


In more recent times, Russian soldiers have been accused of rape in wartime too. In 2000 allegations of rape perpetrated by contract soldiers in Chechnya surfaced in various NGOs reports. Women were not the only targets; to extract confessions sexual assault was (threatened to be) used against alleged male fighters held in filtration camps. The exact extent of the use of sexual violence in Chechnya is unknown because of the stigma attached to reporting it and a culture of impunity (paras 76-77).


最近,俄罗斯士兵也被指控在战时实施强奸。2000年,关于合同兵在车臣实施强奸的指控出现在各种非政府组织的报告中。妇女不是唯一的目标;为了逼供,对被关押在过滤营的男性战士也使用或(威胁要)使用性侵犯。由于公开报道所带来的耻辱感以及有罪不罚的文化使得在车臣使用性暴力的确切程度不为人知。(第76-77段)。


Gender-Based Violence against Women in Ukraine

在乌克兰针对女性的基于性别的暴力行为


Rape

强奸


Many women (and children) have fled Ukraine, as refugees, to neighbouring states. However, a significant number remain in Ukraine, particularly older women. For those women who remain, the risk of rape by Russian soldiers is high. Reports of rape were not immediate, but they were expected, given the wartime history of Russian soldiers. Women have been targeted for rape by Russian soldiers, some repeatedly raped. For example, there have been reports of 25 teenage girls kept in a basement in Bucha and gang raped, nine of whom became pregnant from the rapes; and the rape of children and elderly women. Women have been raped after the execution of their husbands. Rape has been carried out in front of family members – a deliberate tactic to tear apart the social fabric of the Ukrainian family, demonstrate their power and humiliate Ukrainian women. The rape is also a message to Ukrainian men under the masculine construct: they cannot protect their women.


俄乌冲突爆发后,许多妇女(和儿童)作为难民逃离乌克兰,前往邻国。然而,仍有相当多的人留在乌克兰,特别是老年妇女。对于那些留下来的妇女来说,被俄罗斯士兵强奸的风险很高。关于强奸的报告并不是即时的,但鉴于俄罗斯士兵的战时历史,这些报告是在意料之中的。妇女成为俄罗斯士兵强奸的目标,有些人多次被强奸。例如,有报告称,有25名少女被关在布查的一个地下室并遭到轮奸,其中有9人因强奸而怀孕;还有儿童和老年妇女被强奸。妇女在丈夫被处决后遭到强奸。强奸是在家庭成员面前进行的——这是一种蓄意的策略,目的是撕裂乌克兰家庭的社会结构,展示他们的权力,并羞辱乌克兰妇女。强奸也是在男性结构下向乌克兰男性传达的信息:他们无法保护自己的女性。


Many women arriving in bordering countries as refugees are reporting being raped by Russian soldiers. Whether rape survivors remain in Ukraine or flee the country, their access to appropriate healthcare is limited, and health risks are significant for rape victims. They have high risk of sexually transmitted infections, HIV, pregnancy, and internal physical injuries to their reproductive organs, all of which require specialised medical assistance, which may not be available in the conflict or refugee context.


据报道,许多作为难民抵达邻国的妇女也被俄罗斯士兵强奸。强奸幸存者无论是留在乌克兰还是逃离,他们获得适当医疗保健的机会都是有限的,强奸受害者所面临的健康风险很大。她们有很高的性传播感染、艾滋病毒、怀孕以及生殖器官内部伤害的高风险,所有这些都需要专门的医疗援助,而在冲突或难民环境中可能无法获得这些援助。


However, for those girls and women who have crossed borders, safety is not guaranteed. Women are first at high risk of rape and sexual exploitation in the transit process as they flee conflict. With millions of refugees seeking shelter and safety, the risk of being trafficked is high, as women look for help for themselves and their children. Traffickers offer transport, work or accommodation to try to lure women to leave with them. Sexual exploitation also occurs in these situations, when women are forced to trade sex for shelter, transport and/or safety. The risk of rape is also high; rape in refugee populations is not uncommon, as safety and security is difficult to assure in such large, desperate populations. The risk also exists of sexual assault by aid workers, or those posing as aid workers.


然而,对于那些已经越过国界的女孩和妇女来说,安全也并没有得到保证。在逃离冲突中,妇女在过境过程中首先面临着被强奸和性剥削的高风险。随着数以万计的难民寻求安全和庇护,由于妇女在逃离的过程中需要为自己和孩子寻求帮助,因此她们被贩运的风险很高。人口贩子提供交通、工作或住宿,试图引诱妇女与他们一起离开。性剥削也发生在这些情况下,妇女被迫以性交易换取住所、交通和/或安全。强奸的风险也很高;在难民人口中,强奸并不罕见,因为在如此庞大的、绝望的人口中很难保证安全和保障。而且还存在着被援助工作者或冒充援助工作者的人性侵犯的风险。


Pregnancy Challenges

怀孕的风险


There are multiple layers to pregnancy challenges for Ukrainian women. Women who were already pregnant and have had to remain in Ukraine have faced specific challenges, including the bombing of hospitals. The World Health Organisation verified already by 11 March that 26 hospitals and health facilities had been attacked. On 9 March, a maternity hospital in Mariupol was bombed, resulting in the death of at least one pregnant woman and her baby. Lack of access to healthcare has become a serious problem for those remaining in Ukraine, with medical supplies diminishing as the conflict continues, meaning pre- and post-natal care is insufficient, increasing the risk to life of the women and babies.


乌克兰妇女怀孕后所面临的挑战来自多个层面。已经怀孕并不得不留在乌克兰的妇女面临着特殊的挑战,包括医院被炸。世界卫生组织已经证实,截至3月11日,已有26家医院和卫生设施遭到袭击。3月9日,马里乌波尔(Mariupol)的一家妇产医院遭到轰炸,造成至少一名孕妇及其婴儿死亡。对于留在乌克兰的人来说,缺乏医疗保健已成为一个严重问题,随着冲突的持续,医疗用品减少,这意味着产前和产后护理不足,增加了妇女和婴儿的生命风险。


Then there are the women who are pregnant, including from rape by Russian soldiers. Those remaining in Ukraine face the challenge of limited access to medicine and healthcare. Those who have fled across borders face an overloaded healthcare system in whichever country they arrive in, an inevitable outcome of thousands or millions of refugees arriving in a very short period of time. The stress of war and limited access to healthcare leads to ‘pregnancy complications, premature births, and still births’.


还有那些怀孕的妇女,包括被俄罗斯士兵强奸的妇女。留在乌克兰的人面临着获得药品和医疗保健的机会有限的挑战。那些越境逃亡的人无论到达哪个国家都面临着超负荷的医疗保健系统,这是数千或数百万难民在很短的时间内抵达的必然结果。战争的压力和有限的医疗服务导致了 "妊娠并发症、早产和死胎"。


The majority of Ukrainian refugees have fled into Poland (over 3.5 million of the 6.7 million Ukrainian refugees at time of writing). Poland has very strict anti-abortion laws, so Ukrainian women pregnant from Russian rape risk imprisonment if they access abortion measures — as do the healthcare professionals who assist them. Abortions are permitted in cases of rape, however only if the rape has been officially confirmed by prosecutors — a logistical impossibility in the current situation. Anti-abortion groups are already trying to source information about recent abortions performed, clearly seeking to ascertain if any abortions are taking place contrary to the law. Doctors are also trying to distribute the morning-after pill to rape survivors, but access to the medicine is limited. Doctors and other healthcare workers risk punishment when they distribute the morning-after pill without a prescription.


大多数乌克兰难民都逃到了波兰(在撰写本文时,670万乌克兰难民中超过350万前往波兰)。波兰有非常严格的反堕胎法,因此因俄罗斯士兵强奸而怀孕的乌克兰妇女如果堕胎,就有可能被监禁——协助她们的医疗专业人员也一样。在强奸案件中允许堕胎,但前提是强奸得到检察官的正式确认——在目前的情况下,这是不可能的。反堕胎团体已经在试图获取有关最近进行的堕胎的信息,显然是想确定是否有任何堕胎行为是违反法律的。医生们也试图向强奸幸存者分发事后避孕药,但获得这种药物的机会有限。医生和其他医护人员在没有处方的情况下分发事后避孕药也可能会受到惩罚。


Prosecutions Must Close the Impunity Gap on Sexual and Gender-Based Crimes

公诉必须弥合性犯罪和基于性别的犯罪有罪不罚的空缺


The Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) of the ICC is already deep into investigations into crimes under its jurisdiction committed in the Ukraine-Russia conflict. The Rome Statute contains provisions for sexual violence as war crimes (Art. 8(2)(b)(xxii)) and crimes against humanity (Art. 7(1)(g)).


国际刑事法院(ICC)检察官办公室(OTP)已经深入调查其管辖范围内俄乌冲突中的罪行。《罗马规约》规定性暴力为战争罪(第8(2)(b)(xxii)条)和危害人类罪(第7(1)(g)条)。


Given their ubiquity and seriousness, these crimes must be investigated and prosecuted by the ICC. The OTP ‘has committed to integrating a gender perspective and analysis into all of its work’, recognising ‘that sexual and gender-based crimes are amongst the gravest under the Statute’, seeking to close ‘the impunity gap’ when it comes to these crimes, which have traditionally been under-prosecuted. The OTP and the ICC more broadly can now implement this policy and ensure accountability for the rape of Ukrainian women by Russian soldiers.


鉴于这些罪行的普遍性和严重性,国际刑事法院必须对其进行调查和起诉。OTP“致力于将性别观点和分析纳入其所有工作”,认识到“性犯罪和基于性别的犯罪是《规约》规定的最严重的犯罪之一”,在涉及这些传统上未被起诉的罪行时,寻求弥合“有罪不罚的空缺”。OTP和国际刑事法院现在可以更广泛地实施这一政策,并确保对俄罗斯士兵强奸乌克兰妇女的行为进行问责。


Any trial must emphasise the gendered component of these crimes, and this must be taken into account in conviction and sentencing. Gender is an aggravating circumstance in sentencing, as recognised most recently in the Ongwen Sentencing Trial Judgment. Such consideration of the gendered nature of these crimes should be implemented in rape convictions, highlighting the targeting of women, but also for any crimes specifically committed against men, which are outside the scope of this blog post to discuss. If persons are prosecuted for the bombing of the maternity hospital (Art. 8(2)(b)(ix)), this too should have the gendered context of the crime emphasised. In addition, for rape convictions, the long-term physical and mental health impacts of the rape on victims should be considered an aggravating factor in sentencing and reparations.


任何审判都必须强调这些罪行中的性别因素,在定罪和判刑时必须考虑到这一点。正如最近在Ongwen量刑审判判决中所承认的那样,性别是量刑中的一个加重情节。对这些罪行的性别性质的考虑应在强奸罪的定罪中得到落实,强调以妇女为目标,但也应该考虑到任何专门针对男性的罪行,这不在本文讨论的范围之内。如果有人因炸毁妇产医院而被起诉(第8(2)(b)(ix)条),也应强调该罪行的性别背景。此外,对于强奸罪的定罪,强奸对受害者的长期身心健康影响应被视为判刑和赔偿的加重因素。


Any domestic prosecutions, including in Ukraine, must also emphasise the gendered nature of these crimes. Past impunity for sexual and gender-based crimes by Russians, in conflict and peacetime, has created a culture of acceptance for violence against women. Whether in international or domestic jurisdictions, ensuring accountability for sexual and gender-based crimes committed in Ukraine will help change culture. Accountability will act as a deterrent for these crimes in the Ukraine-Russia conflict as well as other conflicts around the world, and hopefully also be conducive to a decrease in violence against women in peacetime Russia.


任何国内起诉,包括在乌克兰的起诉,也必须强调这些罪行的性别性质。过去俄罗斯人在冲突和和平时期对性暴力和基于性别的犯罪有罪不罚,这造成了一种接受暴力侵害妇女行为的文化。无论是在国际还是国内管辖范围,确保对在乌克兰犯下的性犯罪和基于性别的犯罪进行问责将有助于改变该文化。问责将对俄乌冲突以及世界各地其他冲突中的这些罪行起到威慑作用,并希望这也有助于减少和平时期俄罗斯对妇女的暴力行为。


原文链接:https://www.ejiltalk.org/sexual-and-gender-based-violence-against-women-in-the-russia-ukraine-conflict/

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